Climbing Ethics, Style, and Practice on the Public Resource

Climbers have long practiced their craft on public lands. From early ascents in Yosemite to the smaller rocks in the Northeast climbers have generally enjoyed a high level of freedom to develop crags, cliffs, and boulderfields across National Parks, Forests, and BLM Land. Since the advent and popularization of climbing gyms, successes of various climbing movies, and the inclusion of climbing in the Olympics--climbing has reached new heights in popularity. With this heightened visibility, public land managers are paying more attention to climbers. It seems the era of free and unmanaged climbing development is over.

Introduction

This project concerns the climbing development conflict in the Bitterroot National Forest (BNF)—across the Bitterroot-Selway Wilderness Area and the more general Forest Service Recreation Opportunity Spectrum (ROS). Climbers, in part represented by the Western Montana Climber’s Coalition (WMTCC), often enjoy developing new crags and routes throughout the BNF. This demands route cleaning, trail maintenance, and even fixed climbing protection and anchors. The Bitterroot National Forest, as the executive agency overseeing development and management of the public resource, is interested in effectively managing said resources. Ostensibly, there is some resistance from the community.

To assist in this conflict, I hope to improve upon an existing story-map to help illuminate the particular challenges surrounding climbing as a developmental activity with its own style and ethics. A story-map is a narrative and presentational tool, often incorporating multi-media and GIS mapping to help illustrate less-tangible theoretical projects. The story-map will recount the particular history of this conflict as well as tackle the utilization of ROS in determining climbing development procedures and practices. Moreover, I will recount historical stylistic changes in the sport, and delineate questions of climbing style from those of climbing ethics. Primarily, however, I will help draft a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to outline a new cooperative relationship between the WMTCC and BNF. MOUs are standard USFS-NGO collaborative documents, yet demand a certain level of clarity and sophistication to construct well. Finally, I will facilitate a meeting among local route developers to better understand the stylistic and ethical mores of development in the Bitterroot. From this meeting, I hope to draft a best-practices document to present to the BNF to perhaps incorporate with their draft Climbing Management Plan (CMP).

This project seeks to impact the trajectory of climbing in a large swathe of public land near Missoula. For nearly half a decade, climbers have been unable to legally develop their sport due to a forest-wide bolting moratorium. While negotiations continue between various interest groups, the questions surrounding the permissibility of bolts haunts the conversation. I hope by offering my expertise in the climbing practice, my ability to analyze ethical arguments and positions, and my schooling in effectively communicating complex philosophical concepts, that I will positively benefit this great new climbing debate and assist with its eventual amelioration.

Local History

Climbers has a long and colorful history in Western Montana. Since at least the 1940s, climbers scaled the various peaks, walls, and ridges across the Bitterroot. Unfortunately for contemporary climbers, Montana maintains a waning "no-publish ethic". In the early days of alpinism in the state, the local community determined that it was more fitting, sportsmanlike even, to fail to record and report various ascents. While this maintained an air of mystery and adventure over Motanan climbing, it also kept climbing out of the public eye. While national forests in California and Colorado fought out similar management issues decades ago, our area's lack of documentation postponed this current conflict until today.

The current issue stems from a series of user conflicts between climbers developing routes and areas in the Bitterroot, and the Friends of the Bitterroot (FOB)--a local wilderness advocacy group. Through various physical, rhetorical, and managerial spats the BNF eventually deemed it necessary to levy a bolting moratorium on the entirety of the national forest. This is an unprecedented move by a Deptartment of Agriculture managing agency. After releasing a draft Climbing Management Plan, it became clear that the BNF holds a far different understanding of climbing development and practice than the majority of contemporary climbers.

A photo of Cole Lawerence on Super Ultra Mega

Traditional Climbing

Traditional Climbing - when a climber begins a route at its bottom and places predominately removable protection to climb to its top

A photo of Cole Lawerence on Super Ultra Mega

Sport Climbing

Sport Climbing - when a climber's protection, usually in the form of bolts, is pre-placed. More often, focuses on the gymnastic and athletic quality of a route

A photo of Cole Lawerence on Super Ultra Mega

Alpine Climbing

Alpine Climbing - climbing larger features and peaks, generally with longer approaches and more involved logistics than other climbing disciplines

 

Theoretical Applications

Through the course of the Environmental Philosophy Masters program, the cohort is to participate in six core seminar courses. While the specific courses have changed over recent years, these classes are meant to lend to a well-rounded and developed philosophical education. The central seminars in which I participated were as follows:

  • Thoreau - focusing only on the writings of Henry David Thoreau, this course considered many of his essays as well as the entirety of Walden.
  • Science and Ecology - this course focused on the philosophical conundrums and concepts of ecology and climate science, as well as covering a brief survey of value-laden science. More than a general philosophy of science class, students were made to master a variety of specific scientific concepts.
  • Issues in the Anthropocene - the Anthropocene, the stratigraphic epoch defined by human actions and impacts, is a unique philosophical quandry in the field. Course content covered the range of views on the relationship humans should have with their environments on this new frontier.
  • Environmental Aesthetics - wild or artificial, humans exist in environments and appreciate them for a variety of reasons. Environmental Aesthetics considered more traditional aesthetic descriptions of sublime and grand environments, as well as investigations of human environments and particular environmental practices.
  • Animals - this course surveyed a variety of philosophical topics considering the treatment and status of nonhuman animals. Topics included animal experimentation, food, hunting, wildlife, animal consciousness, and more.
  • Environmental Philosophy - an overview of the western academic field of environmental philosophy, this class was meant to give context to the entire field. 

I chose three core seminars to exact and apply some of their theoretical content to my project's practical work. Considering the impacts and structure of rock climbing as an environmental practice, I elected to focus on Issues in the Anthropocene, Environmental Aesthetics, and Environmental Philosophy.

Informing my particular understanding of permissible action on the public resource is Stephen Vogel’s book Thinking Like a Mall. Meant to dissuade environmental philosophers of human-nature dualism, Vogel spends much of his thesis delineating artificiality and wildness, showing how both concepts permeate every entity. To Vogel, wildness designates the realm beyond human intention, something he describes as “the gap”. He contends that all objects have some amount of wildness within them, but agrees that some things are more wild than others. In opposition to wildness, he uses the term “artificiality” to describe the comparative degree of human-madeness. Vogel’s anti-dualist claim is two-fold.

First, because of global climate change and pervasive human impacts, there is no such thing as “pristine nature”. Everything on Earth is now a human artifact to some extent, what Vogel calls “the artifactuality of nature”. Global capital has dug its claws into nearly every profitable inch of land on the planet—pumping oil from the northern coasts of Alaska to mining diamonds on the ocean floor. Less obviously, anthropogenic climate change has directly affected the Earth’s climate—meaning things so natural as storms and seasons now bear some mark of artificiality. Historically, humans have cultivated the environment to some extent regardless of their technological sophistication; neolithic hunter-gatherers most likely led to the extinction of most of North America’s megafauna over 10,000 years ago, with similar events happening worldwide. Seemingly, pristine nature is impossible wherever humans have transformed the land to such an extent—Vogel claims this transformation has “always already happened”.

Second, even our most engineered artifacts are somewhat beyond our intentions. The plants popping up through the cracks in the sidewalk are evidence of extra-human nature’s tenacity. The crumbling of an old railyard, train cars rusting to nothingness shows wildness’s indomitable spirit. Even as anthropocentric of structures as economic markets possess some qualities beyond our control and understanding—a sort of inherent wildness to human beings. There is a degree of wildness imbued in everything—from Shishapangma to the Sears Tower. All entities exist on this wildness-artificiality spectrum.

We might practice climbing development in tandem with this sort of spectrum. More developed climbing infrastructure may be more permissible in areas that are more heavily human influenced. Sport climbing areas--heavily bolted, trafficked, and supported--are appropriate close to human improvements--mainly, roads. Deeper in the backcountry, a different sort of development ethos should rule. Alpine climbing exists at the other end of the spectrum--routes blazed in a single push, with little permanent installations or impacts are more proper types of routes to establish in this case.

A significant focus of my philosophical communicative project aims to develop a distinction between climbing ethics and climbing style. This distinction, well-articulated by climbers, is essentially a difference between aesthetics and ethics. There are many philosophical accounts of this distinction—two fields described and explored by different philosophical thinkers. It seems abundantly clear why we should make a distinction between aesthetics and style in philosophy—how we appraise a painting is quite different from how we appraise a person or action. Moreover, ethics is (often) normatively motivated—we want to understand how best to act, think, or value. Some thinkers have, and still, conceive of aesthetics as a similarly normative pursuit, but I think such accounts are misleading. Even those thinkers who believe in a sort of universalized aesthetic paradigm—Immanuel Kant, Clive Bell, Edmund Burke, etc.—would hardly say the metrics for right aesthetic appreciation are indistinguishable from ethical concerns. It is uncontroversial to say: different philosophical fields are different within philosophy.

Thi Nguyer, climber and philosophy professor, uses climbing to describe how he concieves of an aesthetic practice. Climbing is an activity in which the qualities of the practice are appraised on aesthetic grounds—meaning, in a basic sense, having something to do with beauty. Climbing is a practice concerned with beauty—a splitter crack in stark red Wingate against a blue sky, a bold line striking up the middle of a big wall—but also a practice of beauty—the actual experience of the climb is often described in aesthetic terms. Climbs can even be considered ugly—either because of the makeup and quality of the rock or the nature of the climbing itself (whether it’s “thuggy”, or “grunty”, or physical). To be an aesthetic practice does not necessitate gracefulness. Nguyen goes on to describe climbing like a dance because of the internal embodied experience of the climber and the appreciation others might have towards a climber’s experience determined by their own bodily experience. Meaning, I empathize with a climber’s aesthetic description of a climb because I can appreciate what it would bodily feel like to engage in such a climb. Nguyen argues that this aesthetic appreciation is best appreciated by climbers themselves. 

If we buy Nguyen’s account of the aesthetic concerns of climbing—how might we differentiate it’s aesthetic concerns from its ethical ones? Simply put, climbing is a game: “the voluntary attempt at overcoming unnecessary obstacles.” Nguyen expands such game playing beyond the purely physical, stating: “what constitutes game-playing is not the physical movement, but the intentional state of the player towards that action. In short: in ordinary practical activity, we take the means for the sake of an independently valuable end. But in gaming activity, we can take up an artificial end for the sake of going through a particular means.” Climbing is a game not only because of its physical playfulness, but because of its artificial restrictions which propel particularly engaging action. This distinction follows through from the aesthetic action of climbing to the stylistic conversation and concerns of climbing. Climbing aesthetics can be discerned from climbing ethics insofar as that ethics here is a practical activity—we go through the means of ethical discourse to conclude about correct or incorrect actions, intentions, or attitudes. Stylistic conversations do not hold the same sort of weight—there is no “right” answer to which style of climbing is “best”—regardless of whatever old-timers might say. Famously, the only thing climbers like more than climbing, is talking about climbing.

If climbing is an aesthetic practice, with aesthetic concerns, who are responsible for outlining the proper aesthetic orientation climbers should have? Bence Nanay, in his essay “Unlocking Experience”, claims that we participate in aesthetics not simply to levy judgements or impress others or be entertained, but to have aesthetic experiences. We enjoy aesthetic experiences for the sake of those experiences, in addition to any other benefit we might get from such experiences. One obvious benefit is the sociability of having aesthetic experiences alongside others. We seek out others to have aesthetic experiences with, and pontificate over those experiences. Nanay conceptualizes aesthetic experience as a sort of achievement—appreciating an experience in the correct way takes a certain amount of attention and work. We care about others achieving in the same way because it somehow validates our achievement, and solidifies the bond we have with other people: “Aesthetic experiences can bring us closer to each other. Listening to the same music can be a binding experience, as long as you both have the same kind of experience. And nothing can be as alienating as having radically different aesthetic experiences when listening to the same music or watching the same film.” Appreciating experiences has the added benefit of relationship building. This is doubly true in climbing—sharing a rope with someone on an incredible alpine climb not only solidifies the experience as aesthetically worthwhile, but associates your climbing partner with such an experience. Climbing has a long history of powerhouse partnerships, experiencing with others as well as for yourself. Jim Bridwell, Yosemite pioneer and dirtbag ringleader noted this social benefit of shared aesthetic experience: “I don’t need to solo, I got friends.”

One of the more radical, controversial, and visible branches of environmental philosophy manifests itself as a collection of quasi-independent thinkers, activists, and monkey wrenchers. Deep ecology, while attractive to some environmental firebrands, is generally self-absorbed, exclusionary, and ineffective. In part a reaction to deep ecology’s masculine and monist principles, ecofeminism as “the theory that the ideologies that authorize injustices based on gender, race, and class are related to the ideologies that sanction the exploitation and degradation of the environment.” Whereas deep ecology is exclusive, ecofeminism is inclusive; while deep ecology seeks to subsume otherness into the viewer; ecofeminism acknowledges and celebrates the differences in the coalition of the human and extra-human environment.

Deep ecology, in its more contemporary articulations, has two major problems: one easy to identify and one more sophisticated. First, deep ecology cares so much about the extra-human world—it often is apathetic, even antagonistic, towards human beings. Misanthropy, whilst deeply unsettling, can nearly be understood under the gross weight of global climate change. Worse, for some deep ecologists, this misanthropy can manifest as bigotry. 

Second, whilst deep ecologists claim some sort of sympathy with the extra-human world, at times to the point of discounting human environmental actors, Noel Sturgeon identifies this sympathy as a sort of subsumption of the individual over the environment. While seemingly diverse and pluralist, deep ecology showcases a dangerous self-importance. This philosophy is a particular brand of self-realization—a self-in-nature. Connected to Eastern understanding of atman, the self in deep ecology does not enter into relationship with a diverse coalition of others, but expands to a Self—an expanded Self, beyond the egoistic and physical trappings of an individual and a body to the world around it. It is an attempt to close the distance between self and Other, a way to understand the world exterior to the individual. This attempt to reach the Other, however, tends to lead to poor understanding of others—it conflates the differences in the world around us.

Such a Self tends to flatten the particularities in qualities and proper treatment of other members of the environmental community. If you expand yourself to incorporate the totality of the world around you, that tends to lead to poor consideration of the interests and needs of others. Furthermore, this sort of centered individual expansion, so Sturgeon writes, is an effect of the Androcentrism of western thinking, not the Anthropocentrism that deep ecologists claim to rage against. Were these thinkers to correctly identify the male-centeredness of the philosophical claims, they might better avoid this blunder. Without attending to the sexist, gendered, discourse within deep ecology—the field will fail to reach its goal of biocentrism or egalitarianism so laid out in Naess’s inciting document.

 

Core Courses

Through the course of the Environmental Philosophy Masters program, the cohort is to participate in six core seminar courses. While the specific courses have changed over recent years, these classes are meant to lend to a well-rounded and developed philosophical education. The central seminars in which I participated were as follows:

  • Thoreau - focusing only on the writings of Henry David Thoreau, this course considered many of his essays as well as the entirety of Walden.
  • Science and Ecology - this course focused on the philosophical conundrums and concepts of ecology and climate science, as well as covering a brief survey of value-laden science. More than a general philosophy of science class, students were made to master a variety of specific scientific concepts.
  • Issues in the Anthropocene - the Anthropocene, the stratigraphic epoch defined by human actions and impacts, is a unique philosophical quandry in the field. Course content covered the range of views on the relationship humans should have with their environments on this new frontier.
  • Environmental Aesthetics - wild or artificial, humans exist in environments and appreciate them for a variety of reasons. Environmental Aesthetics considered more traditional aesthetic descriptions of sublime and grand environments, as well as investigations of human environments and particular environmental practices.
  • Animals - this course surveyed a variety of philosophical topics considering the treatment and status of nonhuman animals. Topics included animal experimentation, food, hunting, wildlife, animal consciousness, and more.
  • Environmental Philosophy - an overview of the western academic field of environmental philosophy, this class was meant to give context to the entire field. 

I chose three core seminars to exact and apply some of their theoretical content to my project's practical work. Considering the impacts and structure of rock climbing as an environmental practice, I elected to focus on Issues in the Anthropocene, Environmental Aesthetics, and Environmental Philosophy.

Informing my particular understanding of permissible action on the public resource is Stephen Vogel’s book Thinking Like a Mall. Meant to dissuade environmental philosophers of human-nature dualism, Vogel spends much of his thesis delineating artificiality and wildness, showing how both concepts permeate every entity. To Vogel, wildness designates the realm beyond human intention, something he describes as “the gap”. He contends that all objects have some amount of wildness within them, but agrees that some things are more wild than others. In opposition to wildness, he uses the term “artificiality” to describe the comparative degree of human-madeness. Vogel’s anti-dualist claim is two-fold.

First, because of global climate change and pervasive human impacts, there is no such thing as “pristine nature”. Everything on Earth is now a human artifact to some extent, what Vogel calls “the artifactuality of nature”. Global capital has dug its claws into nearly every profitable inch of land on the planet—pumping oil from the northern coasts of Alaska to mining diamonds on the ocean floor. Less obviously, anthropogenic climate change has directly affected the Earth’s climate—meaning things so natural as storms and seasons now bear some mark of artificiality. Historically, humans have cultivated the environment to some extent regardless of their technological sophistication; neolithic hunter-gatherers most likely led to the extinction of most of North America’s megafauna over 10,000 years ago, with similar events happening worldwide. Seemingly, pristine nature is impossible wherever humans have transformed the land to such an extent—Vogel claims this transformation has “always already happened”.

Second, even our most engineered artifacts are somewhat beyond our intentions. The plants popping up through the cracks in the sidewalk are evidence of extra-human nature’s tenacity. The crumbling of an old railyard, train cars rusting to nothingness shows wildness’s indomitable spirit. Even as anthropocentric of structures as economic markets possess some qualities beyond our control and understanding—a sort of inherent wildness to human beings. There is a degree of wildness imbued in everything—from Shishapangma to the Sears Tower. All entities exist on this wildness-artificiality spectrum.

We might practice climbing development in tandem with this sort of spectrum. More developed climbing infrastructure may be more permissible in areas that are more heavily human influenced. Sport climbing areas--heavily bolted, trafficked, and supported--are appropriate close to human improvements--mainly, roads. Deeper in the backcountry, a different sort of development ethos should rule. Alpine climbing exists at the other end of the spectrum--routes blazed in a single push, with little permanent installations or impacts are more proper types of routes to establish in this case.

A significant focus of my philosophical communicative project aims to develop a distinction between climbing ethics and climbing style. This distinction, well-articulated by climbers, is essentially a difference between aesthetics and ethics. There are many philosophical accounts of this distinction—two fields described and explored by different philosophical thinkers. It seems abundantly clear why we should make a distinction between aesthetics and style in philosophy—how we appraise a painting is quite different from how we appraise a person or action. Moreover, ethics is (often) normatively motivated—we want to understand how best to act, think, or value. Some thinkers have, and still, conceive of aesthetics as a similarly normative pursuit, but I think such accounts are misleading. Even those thinkers who believe in a sort of universalized aesthetic paradigm—Immanuel Kant, Clive Bell, Edmund Burke, etc.—would hardly say the metrics for right aesthetic appreciation are indistinguishable from ethical concerns. It is uncontroversial to say: different philosophical fields are different within philosophy.

Thi Nguyer, climber and philosophy professor, uses climbing to describe how he concieves of an aesthetic practice. Climbing is an activity in which the qualities of the practice are appraised on aesthetic grounds—meaning, in a basic sense, having something to do with beauty. Climbing is a practice concerned with beauty—a splitter crack in stark red Wingate against a blue sky, a bold line striking up the middle of a big wall—but also a practice of beauty—the actual experience of the climb is often described in aesthetic terms. Climbs can even be considered ugly—either because of the makeup and quality of the rock or the nature of the climbing itself (whether it’s “thuggy”, or “grunty”, or physical). To be an aesthetic practice does not necessitate gracefulness. Nguyen goes on to describe climbing like a dance because of the internal embodied experience of the climber and the appreciation others might have towards a climber’s experience determined by their own bodily experience. Meaning, I empathize with a climber’s aesthetic description of a climb because I can appreciate what it would bodily feel like to engage in such a climb. Nguyen argues that this aesthetic appreciation is best appreciated by climbers themselves. 

If we buy Nguyen’s account of the aesthetic concerns of climbing—how might we differentiate it’s aesthetic concerns from its ethical ones? Simply put, climbing is a game: “the voluntary attempt at overcoming unnecessary obstacles.” Nguyen expands such game playing beyond the purely physical, stating: “what constitutes game-playing is not the physical movement, but the intentional state of the player towards that action. In short: in ordinary practical activity, we take the means for the sake of an independently valuable end. But in gaming activity, we can take up an artificial end for the sake of going through a particular means.” Climbing is a game not only because of its physical playfulness, but because of its artificial restrictions which propel particularly engaging action. This distinction follows through from the aesthetic action of climbing to the stylistic conversation and concerns of climbing. Climbing aesthetics can be discerned from climbing ethics insofar as that ethics here is a practical activity—we go through the means of ethical discourse to conclude about correct or incorrect actions, intentions, or attitudes. Stylistic conversations do not hold the same sort of weight—there is no “right” answer to which style of climbing is “best”—regardless of whatever old-timers might say. Famously, the only thing climbers like more than climbing, is talking about climbing.

If climbing is an aesthetic practice, with aesthetic concerns, who are responsible for outlining the proper aesthetic orientation climbers should have? Bence Nanay, in his essay “Unlocking Experience”, claims that we participate in aesthetics not simply to levy judgements or impress others or be entertained, but to have aesthetic experiences. We enjoy aesthetic experiences for the sake of those experiences, in addition to any other benefit we might get from such experiences. One obvious benefit is the sociability of having aesthetic experiences alongside others. We seek out others to have aesthetic experiences with, and pontificate over those experiences. Nanay conceptualizes aesthetic experience as a sort of achievement—appreciating an experience in the correct way takes a certain amount of attention and work. We care about others achieving in the same way because it somehow validates our achievement, and solidifies the bond we have with other people: “Aesthetic experiences can bring us closer to each other. Listening to the same music can be a binding experience, as long as you both have the same kind of experience. And nothing can be as alienating as having radically different aesthetic experiences when listening to the same music or watching the same film.” Appreciating experiences has the added benefit of relationship building. This is doubly true in climbing—sharing a rope with someone on an incredible alpine climb not only solidifies the experience as aesthetically worthwhile, but associates your climbing partner with such an experience. Climbing has a long history of powerhouse partnerships, experiencing with others as well as for yourself. Jim Bridwell, Yosemite pioneer and dirtbag ringleader noted this social benefit of shared aesthetic experience: “I don’t need to solo, I got friends.”

One of the more radical, controversial, and visible branches of environmental philosophy manifests itself as a collection of quasi-independent thinkers, activists, and monkey wrenchers. Deep ecology, while attractive to some environmental firebrands, is generally self-absorbed, exclusionary, and ineffective. In part a reaction to deep ecology’s masculine and monist principles, ecofeminism as “the theory that the ideologies that authorize injustices based on gender, race, and class are related to the ideologies that sanction the exploitation and degradation of the environment.” Whereas deep ecology is exclusive, ecofeminism is inclusive; while deep ecology seeks to subsume otherness into the viewer; ecofeminism acknowledges and celebrates the differences in the coalition of the human and extra-human environment.

Deep ecology, in its more contemporary articulations, has two major problems: one easy to identify and one more sophisticated. First, deep ecology cares so much about the extra-human world—it often is apathetic, even antagonistic, towards human beings. Misanthropy, whilst deeply unsettling, can nearly be understood under the gross weight of global climate change. Worse, for some deep ecologists, this misanthropy can manifest as bigotry. 

Second, whilst deep ecologists claim some sort of sympathy with the extra-human world, at times to the point of discounting human environmental actors, Noel Sturgeon identifies this sympathy as a sort of subsumption of the individual over the environment. While seemingly diverse and pluralist, deep ecology showcases a dangerous self-importance. This philosophy is a particular brand of self-realization—a self-in-nature. Connected to Eastern understanding of atman, the self in deep ecology does not enter into relationship with a diverse coalition of others, but expands to a Self—an expanded Self, beyond the egoistic and physical trappings of an individual and a body to the world around it. It is an attempt to close the distance between self and Other, a way to understand the world exterior to the individual. This attempt to reach the Other, however, tends to lead to poor understanding of others—it conflates the differences in the world around us.

Such a Self tends to flatten the particularities in qualities and proper treatment of other members of the environmental community. If you expand yourself to incorporate the totality of the world around you, that tends to lead to poor consideration of the interests and needs of others. Furthermore, this sort of centered individual expansion, so Sturgeon writes, is an effect of the Androcentrism of western thinking, not the Anthropocentrism that deep ecologists claim to rage against. Were these thinkers to correctly identify the male-centeredness of the philosophical claims, they might better avoid this blunder. Without attending to the sexist, gendered, discourse within deep ecology—the field will fail to reach its goal of biocentrism or egalitarianism so laid out in Naess’s inciting document.

 

Actions

December of 2022, I spent much of winter break planning and organizing my eventual CEP work. I realized there were some important clarifications useful to the BNF and WMTCC; mainly, the distinction between environmental ethical considerations surrounding rock climbing and climbing style. I elected to focus on this issue: to offer distinctive critique during meeting with the BNF and to write some sort of popular and accessible ethical-aesthetic distinction to publish on a story map written and organized by Christopher Mackay, a former graduate student in the Franke College of Forestry. I completed this task in early April. 

I participated in two private meetings with Scott Brown, District Ranger, and Caleb George this semester. In which, we discussed collaborative paths forward, the frustrations and lessons of the initial draft Climbing Management Plan process, and interests of both the BNF and WMTCC. The WMTCC held one final meeting—a roundtable discussion I facilitated discussing climbing development with climbers in Missoula and the Bitterroot Valley—on April 27th, 2023. In addition, Dane, Caleb, and I finished a draft Memorandum of Understanding by that date. The aim was that through cooperation and exposure, we can better understand one another’s interests. Effectively, the WMTCC will offer labor and expertise to complete raptor and erosion surveys, as well as eventually publish a sort of catalogue of climbing routes to give to the BNF, and incorporate such into a guidebook. In return, the WMTCC hopes to receive support and legitimacy for a variety of infrastructure projects—from creating climbing trails and landings for routes to lifting the bolting moratorium in the national forest.

Lessons Learned

As it turns out, community organizing is difficult. Regardless of the direction I thought conversations and negotiations should have gone, other parties often disagreed. Rarely would representatives state their interests, or even positions, explicitly. The most important lesson I learned over this project was: you cannot control people, nor can you predict them. Even if I thought I had a good understanding of the argumentative landscape during a particular meeting, I was often surprised. Even if a committee member and I spoke about strategy and talking points before the meeting, we would often go off script. Conversations are more difficult when there are stakes—a negotiation over substantive consequences feels very different than a purely academic debate.

Another lesson: substantive work on legal issues demands attention to many quickly moving parts, as well as patience for a laughingly lethargic legislative system. It seemed that nothing changed on the national landscape of climbing management until everything did in March 2023. In that month alone, it seemed at first that the preservationist wing of the Department of the Interior might attempt to ban bolts outright. Then, shortly after, legislation was introduced in the House of Representatives to permanently legitimize bolts on the public resource. After that, we received word that we might expect national mandates from the Department of Agriculture regarding climbing management on the National Forest. Before that, we had heard naught from any executive agency, legislative branch, or judiciary for years.

From this, I have learnt that if I want to work in public land policy, I must possess great patience, an attention to detail, and immense flexibility. The ability to pivot my aims from substantive suggestions to more relational goals saved my project. Without this learnt flexibility, I would have floundered far more this semester.

Accomplishments

After the series of meetings I organized with the BNF, it seems the relationship is far more amicable and respectful. Now, instead of black looks and bull-headed arguments, participants at the table consider others’ opinions with respect. Over the course of these meetings, we were able to identify and communicate our interests in the public resource, rather than simply jockeying back and forth over positions. No doubt, the persistence of Dane Scott and Katie Williams of the WMTCC, as well as Eric Murdoch from the Access Fund displayed to the BNF that we were reasonable recreationalists, willing to work with the BNF on difficult management issues. All in all, the BNF and WMTCC have a new, healthier relationship—one I am sure will lead to better management outcomes for all parties in the future.

Second, the WMTCC and BNF were able to reach a series of agreements regarding route development on the National Forest. It seems both parties agree on the nature of development on the opposing poles of the wildness-artificiality spectrum—being federally designated wilderness and heavily developed sport climbing areas. Climbers in the Bitterroot have long abided by previous wilderness mandates—barring motorized drills, using bolts sparingly, leaving approaches and descents to climbs unimpacted and unmarked, etc. I believe we expressed that to the BNF, and because of our newfound relationship, they took the community at its word. Further, the WMTCC is making moves towards a “highly impacted climbing crag registry”, to offer a list of areas with high climbing traffic for the BNF to consider impacts to the natural resource, as well as historical and cultural resources. The hope is to eventually create a climbing guidebook, which would lend legitimacy and give instruction for climbing in the Bitterroot.